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What Now for Hungarian Fidesz's International Influence Network?
What next? Following the humiliating electoral defeat by the centre-right Tisza party on April 12, Fidesz might now be expected to focus on rebuilding domestic credibility, not perpetuating international influence. Yet Zsuzsanna Vegh, European Resilience program officer at the German Marshall Fund in Berlin, warns that this is a false dichotomy. “The two things will happen in parallel,” she believes. If Fidesz wants to maintain the network, questions remain about whether doing so is practicable. Hungary’s incoming prime minister, Peter Magyar, is clear on his intention to address the question of the diversion of state assets for party political purposes. Tisza’s manifesto vowed to “reclaim the state assets allocated to the MCC”. The Batthany Lajos Foundation is not specifically mentioned, but is included by implication given a commitment to “end the practice of using public funds for political networking”. At his first post-election press conference on April 14, Magyar reiterated that, “the state is not going to finance CPAC events, nor Matthias Corvinus Collegium institutions.” Legal experts differ about the best way forward for the new government. Perhaps the simplest solution is offered by Miklos Ligeti, legal director of Transparency International Hungary. In his view, the optimal approach would be to repeal the chain of 2021 acts creating the special PIAMF category. By doing so, the assets held by the likes of MCC would revert to direct state ownership, “as a matter of legal succession, as provided for by force of law.” “No rule of law problem arises if we accept that these entities are actually not private law foundations in the true sense,” Ligeti tells BIRN. Given that both “public interest” and “public functions” appear in the name given to this class of foundation, claiming that they are private entities is, he argues, highly dubious. States, he notes, are generally regarded as free to reallocate resources between different public institutions according to their reasonable discretion. As a non-profit limited company, the Center for Fundamental Rights would be outside the scope of such reforms. However, despite reportedly prudent management of reserves, it could struggle to survive without Batthany Lajos Foundation’s funding over the longer term. Magyar has already gone on the offensive by convincing the board of MOL to delay paying its 2025 dividends from the second quarter to the third quarter of 2026. Richter Gideon, meanwhile, has pledged to w...
Apps, activists and an 'air war': Essex campaign is test of Reform ...
Nigel Farage was midway through his walkabout of Waltham Abbey when a hunting horn loudly sounded on the Essex market town’s pedestrianised high street. “Oi oiii!” exclaimed the owner of Ouch Tattoos, Rob Chillingworth, putting down the instrument and reaching out a welcoming hand to the approaching Reform UK leader.For Farage, this was the latest stop in a midweek tour of half a dozen towns in Essex, where more than 1m county council votes are up for grabs. Barring breakthroughs in Wales and Scotland, going from having a single councillor here to taking power would be one of Reform’s biggest achievements in Thursday’s polls.While encounters such as the one between Chillingworth and Farage reflect warmth towards Reform among many here, the campaign in Essex is also a demonstration and a test of Reform’s self-professed professionalisation when it comes to ensuring the party gets its vote out more broadly.Mobilising passionate core supporters in what are traditionally low-turnout polls – as well as repeating a “blue ocean” strategy of casting a wider net for first-time voters and those whom other parties may have given up on – is where the party’s new machinery and organisation come in.Farage-led predecessor parties such as Ukip often faltered but Reform sees this set of elections as a showcase for a newer, sleeker approach, bringing together the energy of an army of activists with new technology and a clinical approach to handling voter data, which is being harvested with the next general election in mind.This includes an “air war” – the term used for efforts to gain media coverage and attention using adverts – involving mailshots and leafleting as well as targeted Facebook ads, with nearly £100,000 spent on the latter in the last 30 days, according to Meta’s Ad Library.Nigel Farage with voters in Waltham Abbey. Photograph: Sean Smith/The GuardianFor the first time in a major election, the ReformGo app will aid thousands of the party’s activists as they knock on doors. While other established parties have long used their own versions to collect data on voters, Reform is only just catching up.“It’s a very comprehensive app and we can see week by week it’s improving, data refinement, ease of usability on it,” said one branch official in Essex. “People can see the doors they need to knock, list responses – anywhere from ‘I’m voting for you’ down to ‘go away’ or ‘I’d like a garden board please’.”Activists hope data gathered during the local elections will prove...
the man pulling all the strings at Reform UK. He gave Nigel Farage a ...
Thinking of voting Reform? The real leader of Reform isn't Nigel Farage. It's a crypto billionaire living in Thailand who runs the party from abroad....
To understand Reform UK, follow the money - The Times
How did Nigel Farage manage to rustle up £215,000 to invest in Kwasi Kwarteng's crypto company? When I was investigating Reform's financial ties a few ...
